Electoral referendum

 For all intents and purposes, the 2019 parliamentary elections in India will be centered around India’s ‘strongest’ yet divisive prime minister Narendra Modi when it turns into an election between Modi versus nobody. For the first time in three decades, India’s elections has become more presidential in character, centered on his persona. Modi’s consummate mastery of political communication and a superficial nod to democratic language has seen the paradigm shift of elections from Westminster type to presidential type. His total grip on the party and the government is unparalleled to the extent that he has become the BJP and vice versa. The Indian media can be credited with contributing to the dominant narrative in as many years as the BJP came to power. The reason is not difficult to fathom. Intellectuals or media challenging Hindutva or protesting state oppression and hate campaigns by extreme right wing radicals described by BJP as ‘fringe groups’ have been targeted and ‘tamed’. This has led to the Indian media obediently playing out “high decibel communications and consistent repetition of images” which have worked wonders for the prime minister. Similarly, television media have been controlled by granting new licenses only to channels that march to the government’s rabble-rousing tune on behalf of nationalism. Electronic media have been effectively turned into the ideological vanguard of the state. Modi’s remedies for the nation’s ills have proved to be symptomatic as he pursues a second term for more concentration of authority, more rigid control from above. He likes the imprimatur of democracy behind him and he derives his power from a sense of identification with the people. However, his governing sensibility is anything but democratic but it has been legitimised by a pliant media and the subservient public institutions. After handsomely winning the 2014 election, there has been a marked contradiction between Modi’s ‘inclusive’ rhetoric, and his deep political allegiances to Hindutva Nationalism. He deftly combined hope for the future, while mobilizing resentments over the past and could spin dreams of a new economic prosperity, while emboldening his Hindutva base. He rewrote the rules of Indian politics and was ever on campaign mode both at home and abroad. Modi does not believe in the kind of democracy with liberal values but does believe in the power of the elected government. He has brought that sensibility to economic governance as well. In some cases, this power has served him well. Modi was a natural saviour in the eyes of the people who were fed up with the media hype over corruption during the UPA regime though the Congress was more sinned against than sinning. Modi will face the 2019 election without any serious challenger since those who secretly dream of becoming prime minister are regional leaders with localised vision. Even Rahul Gandhi, who has been propelled to limelight by a doting mother, has proved to non-serious contender. Rahul has reached his limitations and his lack of experience in political statecraft is beginning to show and has disappointed those who were inclined towards a non-BJP alternative. Rahul is up against Modi, a deep rooted political veteran with decades of experience who rose from the grass root to become three-time Gujarat chief minister (2001-2014)and now seeking to retain the prime ministership. All the issues-failure to keep his 2014 promises, rise in right wing extremism and cow vigilantism, job loses, destruction of public institutions, widening economic disparity etc- will be buried as the Indian media pitches Modi versus nobody in the forthcoming elections.