Nagaland Post

Unity experiment

December 21, 2022 | by

There is some substance in the call made by president of Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee (NPCC) K.Therie for a pre-poll alliance of non-NDA parties in the run up to the assembly election in Nagaland expected sometime by end of February or first week of March 2023. The substance is that by aligning themselves, the non-NDA parties would be doing that the ruling party always wanted. Interestingly, Therie, in the interaction with the media, revealed that the Congress at its recent extended executive meeting, resolved to approach the NPF , the JD(U) and other parties for the pre-poll tie up. It may be noted that Therie had made the suggestion or offer for a pre-poll alliance of non-NDA parties. However in his second call, Therie made specific mention of the proposed alliance as a ‘Secular Front’. This was meant to differentiate between those that are aligned with the BJP and those that are not. In Nagaland, in the 2018 election, the pre-poll alliance between the nascent Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party(NDPP) and the BJP the mandate was fractured by NDPP-BJP under the nomenclature of Progressive Democratic Alliance(PDA) came to power with support of NPP, JDU and two independents after Congress drew a blank. The BJP had formed the DAN alliance with the Naga People’s Front(NPF) since 2003 under Neiphiu Rio but after the latter joined NDPP which he patronised, BJP severed its 15 year alliance with NPF and teamed up with the NDPP. A pre-poll alliance, unlike a coalition (which is a temporary post-poll arrangement), is an express agreement between two or more political parties involving seat sharing before the commencement of election. The pre-poll political arrangement led by the NDPP put paid to the NPF, the latter of which won 26 seats and lost the race for power while the NDPP won 18 seats. The NPF, the single largest party with 26 MLAs, joined the ruling PDA and formed the United Democratic Alliance(UDA) for the state’s second ‘opposition-less government’. Later 21 NPF legislators defected and merged with the NDPP leaving behind four MLAs. Despite the merger having taken place in contravention of the understanding of forging a unity, the defection of 21 NPF legislators was truly a betrayal and also a treachery of sorts. However, the NPF today with four MLAs still continues to be part of the UDA and that itself raises several questions. Since the NPF still remains as insignificant a member of the UDA, Therie’s proposal to rope in NPF as part of the opposition grand alliance is therefore rather surprising if not appearing to be a desperate call. Therie’s call on the NPF to join the proposed alliance could have made sense logically and morally, if the NPF walked out of the government and play its constitutional role. NPF has to make up its mind on whether it considers itself as part of the government or that is has a responsibility to play a constructive role as opposition. If NPF thinks it can go to the polls not as part of UDA and present itself as an alternative, then it has to make up its mind loud and clear. If the proposal works, then the ‘Secular Front’ constituents would need to choose their leader and this is where its fate would be decided.

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