Zhopra Vero, Kedahge, NNC/FGN
My Dear Beloved Country Men and Women,
On this historic day, I extend my greetings to you all on my own behalf and also on behalf of all the ranks and files of the NNC/FGN. At the very outset I give all Honour and Glory to our Almighty God who has made all things possible.
Today, the 16th of May occupies an epochal day in our Nation’s history, the day when our forebears with unity of purpose and clarity of conviction, exhibited the Nagas’ collective will to the world, an affirmation of the Nagas will to live as a free people, as a Nation among the Nations of the world.
It was on this day, the Naga National Council (NNC), under the leadership of Dr. A.Z. Phizo, the fourth president of NNC, conducted the historic voluntary Plebiscite. A remarkable feature of the Naga Plebiscite was the overwhelming 99.9% in favour of Naga independence with the affirmation that: We are not Indians, nor shall we submit to the dominion of the Indian state. A. Z. Phizo, articulating the depth of this conviction, wrote: “This plebiscite is the voice of a people who know who they are. We are a nation; we have always been a nation”. This declaration was not a protest—it was a proclamation. It was not a cry of rebellion—it was the calm, unshakable voice of the Nagas claiming our own nation.
The Plebiscite is not a relic of the past, but it is one of the pillars, a cornerstone upon which our struggle for dignity and nationhood lie. It marked the moment when our predecessors, with resolute clarity, demarcated the boundary between authenticity and falsehood, between cultural self-hood and imposed identity, between sovereign nation and political subjugation.
The Indian state has often tried to rewrite our narrative, to brand us as secessionists or insurgents. But let us be clear: We are not seceding from India, because we were never a part of it. We are not an internal issue. We are a nation, sovereign by right with a separate history and a distinct identity.
The Naga Plebiscite was not conducted under the pressure of a political party nor was it orchestrated by any foreign hand. It was the collective will of the Nagas to live as a free people, grounded in our ancient traditions of self-governance, tribal democracy. It emerged deeply rooted in the soil of our homeland—from our elders, our youth, our women, our villages. It was voluntary, peaceful, and undeniable.
India has never been able to morally, legally or politically invalidate the Plebiscite of 1951. Instead, it chose the path of denial—denial backed by military occupation, constitutional deception, and the forced accession of Naga areas through instruments we never signed. Let us not forget: Nagas did not sign the Indian Constitution. We did not accept the Indian Union. We did not surrender our Sovereignty.
But truth comes with a price. The Nagas have paid a heavy price in blood and tears for the Plebiscite.We have endured a prolonged and violent military campaign marked by severe human rights violations; our villages burnt; our women dishonoured, our elders tortured; our youth hunted.
Yet through all this, we did not break. We endured because the spirit of the Plebiscite lived on in us. We fought not to conquer, but to exist. We did not fight because we hated others, but because we love our land.
To this day, the NNC remains unequivocal: the Naga nation shall not compromise its intrinsic identity for the sake of transitory expedience. The Naga Plebiscite of 1951 stands as a historical definitive and non-replicable act of the Naga people’s will. It was, and remains, the singular and supreme expression of our people’s sovereign voice—an act imbued with moral clarity and political finality.
The voice of a free nation, once unequivocally declared and internationally witnessed, should not be a subject to expiration nor contingent upon political convenience. We are a people bound by a covenant—a nation whose existence was anchored in a solemn commitment. The Plebiscite of 1951 was not merely a political expression, but a consecrated covenant, binding past, present, and future generations in a shared affirmation of our sovereign will and nation’s integrity.
As we retrospect on this historic Plebiscite Day, we must also engage in introspection. No struggle can prevail if it is fractured from within. The most profound homage we can render to the spirit of 1951 is the pursuit of unity—a unity that transcends tribal affiliations, territorial delineations, and generational divides. The Indian state has historically sustained its dominion through strategies of division and fragmentation; it finds comfort in our discord, yet it falters in the face of our solidarity.
We must recall with clarity that the Plebiscite was not the mandate of a singular tribe, but it is the shared patrimony of all Nagas. In honouring the legacy, we are called to rise above parochial disputes, personal ambitions, and the artificial constructs that seek to divide us.
Let no political frontier or militarized boundary sever what divine providence and historical consciousness have irrevocably united. As we chart our path forward, let us renew our collective vow: that no Naga shall be forsaken, no Naga voice shall be suppressed, and no inch of Naga homeland shall be relinquished.
Throughout our nation’s journey, we have consistently affirmed that Nagaland was consecrated to the Almighty God. The Plebiscite of 1951 was not merely a political milestone—it was also a profound spiritual testament. It embodied our collective act of submission to divine sovereignty and moral truth, and our unwavering refusal to yield to falsehood and illegitimacy. As inheritors of that sacred legacy, we are called to persevere along this divinely guided path, with fidelity, conviction, and an unshakable commitment to the truth that defines our nation’s identity.
Let the world know that the Naga people are not lost. We are not forgotten. We are not defeated. We are rising again, and forever.
As dawn breaks upon this historic day, may the spirit of unity resound across every Naga household, every village, and every hilltop, echoing the timeless declaration that has guided our people:
We are a Nation. We are One. We are Free.
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May the enduring legacy of the 1951 Plebiscite continue to inspire our hearts and illuminate the path towards our collective future.
Long live Nagaland.
Kuknalim
Gen.(Rtd.)Thinoselie M. Keyho. President, Naga National Council.
On the occasion of the observation of the 75th Plebiscite Day today, I bring greetings to all Naga brothers and sisters. We are fortunate to see that the many steps taken by the Naga National Council in our political journey are unique, of which, this Voluntary Plebiscite is one among few such unique events.
Today, I would like to share with you in brief the circumstances leading to this Voluntary Plebiscite which was conducted on 16th May, 1951 by the Naga National Council at Kohima under the leadership of A.Z.Phizo.
History records that the Nagas, in defence of their motherland fought against the British imperialism from 1832 onward which continued for 46 years. The British Government thought it necessary to establish a military camp at Kohima in order to stop the Nagas to plunder the villages of their subjects bordering us.
Therefore, they have set up their camp at Kohima with Damant as the Political Officer. But in 1878, Damant was killed by the Nagas. Since then, they strengthened their camp on a permanent basis.Although they set up a camp, they could not move out of their camp and therefore, they were, later on, forced to enter into a peace agreement with the Nagas called “No more fight agreement” on 27th March, 1880. Slowly, they expanded their occupation area in a peaceful manner through their diplomatic policy.
The first documented record of the Naga political history is the memorandum submitted to the Simon Commission on 10th January, 1929 by the Naga Club; in which they made their stand clear to the Commission that Nagas should be left alone to determine their own future by themselves as in ancient times, the day the British Government leave this part of the globe. As a result, the Commission placed the Naga Hills outside the Reformed Schemein the Government of India Act, 1935 and placed it as ‘Excluded Area’.
Since then, the Naga people reminded the British Government of our political right and our political stand through so many letters and memorandum in the line of what we have stated in our memorandum submitted to the Simon Commission in 1929. But by the beginning of 1943 onward, it was clear that British Government was going away without giving any decision for the Nagas.
Although this news was not officially declared, the Naga leaders were shocked to see the action of the British Government. Therefore, NNC worked out a proposal for a guardian power for a period of ten years known as ‘the 9-Point Agreement’ and submitted to the Governor of Assam, Sir Akbar Hydari during his visit to Kohima which was later on agreed upon by the Government of India.
But the Indian Government modified the last point saying that any arrangement can be adjusted without any difficulty under 6th Schedule of the Indian constitution whereas the Naga people wanted clarity that Naga people will be free to decide their own future after expiry of 10 years.
In spite of this difference, the Governor of Assam through his Advisor assured in written to implement this agreement but in due course of time. this agreement was abrogated by the Government of India.
The declaration of Naga Independence one day ahead of India is unique. Taking advantage of the silence of the British imperialism on Naga political issue, Indian Government occupied our land.
The Naga National Council, therefore, in order to confirm the declaration of Naga Independence, conducted a Voluntary Plebiscite on 16 May, 1951 in which 99.95% voted in favour of Naga sovereignty; the result was cabled to the United Nations which was acknowledged. With this, the Naga people have given their mandate to NNC.
The Indian Government, like strong ocean waves, have been trying to dismantle this mandate but they have failed time and again. With this mandate, NNC is, with the help of God, continuing to uphold the fort of Naga sovereigntyand we will continue to hold it for all time to come till our goal is achieved.
Be it known to one and all that on this mandate alone, the Naga people can protect and preserve their right as a people.
The Naga people declared their Independence one day ahead of India, but India on the other hand occupied all areas previously under the British Government.
Though they covered Naga areasin their map, it was accidental and therefore, Nagas do not recognized India’s claim. Nagas are traditionally democratic and we believe in settling the wrongs committed by the British Government through the policy of non-violence as also advocated by Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the Indian Nation.
But the Indian Government chose the policy of violence and started sending her army and waged war against the simple and innocent villagers. Violence begets violence; this action of the Government of India compelled the Nagas to set up the Federal Government of Nagaland on 22nd March, 1956 for self defence, and to resist the aggression of the Indian army.
There was full scale war in Nagaland from 1956 to 1964. Seeing the untold sufferings of the Naga people, the Nagaland Baptist Church Council had brokered a cease-fire in 1964 and the political talk started between the Government of India and the Federal Government of Nagaland first at Governors’ level but its was soon upgraded to Prime Minister’s level.
This was, perhaps, the best opportunity to solve the Naga political problem if Government of India was sincere because NNC/FGN was the only organization during that time which has the mandate of the Naga people.
But for reason best known to themselves, the Indian Government dropped the talk abruptly without assigning to any reason. Although the talk failed after six rounds of talks at Prime Minister level, the event remained unique because it testified recognition of the truth of Naga stand by the Indian Government.
After that the Government of India tried every available means to suppress the Naga political movement by imposing draconian laws like Unlawful Activities Prevention Act over and above the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 etc. which was in force since 1958.
They imposed President’s Rule to their puppet Government in Nagaland in 1975 to give free hand to the army. They then hurriedly prepared the blueprint of a war plan entitled ‘Joint Operation Program’ and started heavy army operation against the Naga national workers.
The Indian army in their old barbaric way, used every means to suppress the whole Naga population and started claiming that they had cleared district by district in forcing the freedom fighters to surrender. But in doing so, the freedom fighters could not come to their term in Phek and Kohima districts.
They then imposed indefinite curfew in those areas which continued for months together. The freedom fighters as well as villagers faced untold sufferings. During this period of indefinite curfew, all the crops were systematically destroyed by the animals when the cowherds could not go out of the villages. Seeing the endless strings of miseries faced by the people, leaders of the Nagaland Baptist Church Council, again took upon themselves to work for peace and approached the Governor as well as the Naga leaders in their hide outs even risking their lives and finally took them to Shillong and signed the infamous Shillong Accord on 11th November, 1975.
This Accord was signed by the representatives of the Underground organizations. With this, the army operation was stopped and curfew relaxed.
A supplementary agreement was also signed in January, 1976 on how to implement clauses 2 and 3 of the Shillong Accord. In fact, this accord was signed under duress but it saved the situation of that particular period of time.
As stated earlier, the controversial Shillong Accord was signed by the representatives of the underground organizations; The nomenclature, NNC or Federal Government was never implicated.
The Government of India then asked the President of the Federal Government of Nagaland of that time to give his reply in two weeks’ time whether he would accept the Shillong Accord.
He replied that they have already referred Clause 1 to NNC President in London to decide; They have committed to implement Clause 2 at their level and for clause 3, they proposed that some arrangement has to be done to enable the underground leaders to come overground to formulate other issues.
For this reason, Supplementary Agreement was signed again in January, 1976 and accordingly, the Transit Peace Camps were opened in few places including the one in Kohima.
Today, Kohima Transit Camp is the only surviving camp which is 50 years old. This commitment of the group now in Kohima Transit camp implicated NNC President, Phizo’s name, saying that they have already referred Clause I of the Shillong Accord to him to decide. It is a political blunder to implicate Phizo’s name into this controversial issue. Phizo was never aware of this Accord. He was in London and he was never informed or consulted; but signing of the Shillong Accord was an arrangement made between the Governor and the leaders available in and around Kohima during that time under the initiative of NBCC tosave the situation. As for us, NNC has nothing to do with the Indian constitution and as such, we denounced the Shillong Accord from the very beginning and we will continue to hold that stand.
In fact, this Shillong Accord has become the seed of discord among the Nagas resulting in creating so many factions among the national workers. The Indian Government, taking advantage of this ugly situation started creating more confusions by entering into agreement after agreement with different factions. The result is that many of these factions are now on the so-called negotiating table without having any knowledge about what is really there for them on the negotiating table. Nagas have no reason to blame others but to find ourselves first and the only answer to that is to come together again under the same original roof of NNC if they do not want to betray the Naga people. There is no other alternative. If it is the will of God for the Nagas to live as a people, no power can stop it.
Therefore, I appeal to the conscience of all my earlier comrades to reminisce seriously the untold sufferings faced by our people, the loss of thousands of lives, the sacrifices made by all of us in different ways. Is it not too early to forget all these sacrifices if we want the Nagas to live as free people as in ancient times. May God bless all of us.
Kuknalim.